In Algeria, everyone wants to be MP, few likely to vote
Tunis - Thousands of candidates are vying for a position in Algeria’s 462-member People’s National Assembly, a record number of participants that reflects the coveted status of the job. However, the strong turnout from candidates is unlikely to mean high voter participation, as Algeria’s 23.3 million eligible voters are showing low levels of interest in the May 4th elections.
“Parliamentary elections are used by elites as a social ladder,” said Nacer Djabi, a sociology researcher at Algiers University. “In Algeria, only the state remains rich. The elites in the middle-class elites are poor. Being made parliamentarians bring the lucky ones close to the wealth of the state.”
Algerian Interior Minister Noureddine Bedoui said the candidatures of 12,591 people, about one-third of whom were women, were filed with election officials.
The High Independent Elections Monitoring Authority Chairman Abdelwahab Derbal reported “two or three cases of cheating” in the mandatory voter lists to endorse candidates led to the removal of involved candidacies. He did not name the candidates or their parties.
“The final lists of candidates will be validated on March 27th after the end of an appeal period for the candidates to challenge the ministry decisions,” said Interior Ministry Secretary-General Hocine Mazouz.
The initial number of citizens hoping to run for office was even higher. In the National Liberation Front (FLN) party alone, 6,228 members — 600 from Algiers — sought to be candidates.
Algerian media reported similar levels of participation in other major parties.
The selection process was a nightmare for party leaders, who had to navigate fierce internal disputes to come up with a final list. Among those hoping for slots were ministers, billionaires, school teachers and doctors.
“Not everybody can be a deputy,” said FLN chief Djamel Ould Abbes to angry members lobbying for a seat. “There are not 6,000 seats available in the parliament.”
This high level of political engagement is unlikely to translate to voters, who are increasingly disillusioned with their leaders’ inability to effectively contain the threat from jihadists or save the economy from faltering oil revenues.
“The state of [this year’s] parliamentary elections is the worst Algeria has seen since 1976,” said political commentator Saad Bokba. “Social tensions are high because of the economic crisis, which has been caused by mismanagement and a decline in oil prices.
Bokba said that recent protests have taken a more political turn.
“Ruling parties are not even controlling their angry members and the government lacks the plan and resolve to handle the crisis,” he said. “According to the population, the upcoming elections will only make the situation worse.”
Most of this year’s candidates are linked to the FLN and the National Democratic Rally party but Islamists groups are looking to make a return after years of decline.
To improve their odds, three of Algeria’s leading Islamist parties — El Binaa, the Front for Justice and Development (FJD) and Ennahda — formed a coalition for the election.
Another alliance was formed between the Fundamentalist Movement of Society of Peace, which is linked to the international Muslim Brotherhood, and Islamist group Front of Change.
Much of the public has scorned Islamist groups since Algeria’s civil conflict in the 1990s, when violence between Islamists and government forces claimed the lives of an estimated 200,000 people. With bitter memories of Algeria’s civil war still alive, whether the public will receive Islamists back into the mainstream is unknown.
While Islamist groups are running candidates for all available seats, some secularist opposition parties, whose popularity is narrowly concentrated, failed to field candidates for all election districts. Such groups included the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS), Culture and Democracy Rally (RCD) and the Social Democratic Movement.
For almost five decades, Algeria’s political regime has been sealed from opposition, and those who challenge the status quo have faced fierce backlash from ruling powers.
In 1992, then-president Mohamed Boudiaf, a leading figure in Algeria’s independence war, was killed by presidential guards after forming the National Popular Rally party to fight regime corruption.
During the 1999 presidential election cycle, FFS founder Hocine Ait Ahmed, who was running for office on a platform of reform, was forced to scrap his candidacy days before the elections.
In 1991, the Algerian army stepped in to prevent the radical Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) from taking power when it was poised to win parliamentary elections.
“The regime is convinced that its stability is secured by the repression and distribution of oil money, not through democracy,” said political analyst Mustapha Hammouche.